At university I learned a few things; don't mix red wine, spirits
and cider in an evening, a reasonable knowledge of programming, a healthy scepticism of academia, and how to translate to and from post-modern bullshit. The
postmodernism generator is good, but you can only use it a few times before it becomes too obvious. Especially as the lecturers will also be using it as well.
So here is my initial translation of
Oliver Letwin's recent, and
much derided, article in The Times.
Is Cameron Conservatism just a set of attitudes, or is it a political theory?
Whichever it is trying to make it sound like litarary theory isn't going to get anybody to vote for you.
This is the unspoken question behind quite a lot of the more intellectual commentary over the past 18 months of Conservative revival.
No, its been the spoken question quite a bit. Especially amoungst
the fifth estate (or filth estate in my case as a proud swearblogger). Just we tend to say it more directly, often involving the use of the word "cunt".
The question therefore deserves an answer. And the answer is that Cameron Conservatism, so far from being merely a set of attitudes, has a specific theoretical agenda. It aims to achieve two significant paradigm-shifts.
The bullshit meter just went off the scale with that one. A clearer version of that paragraph would be. "There is substance behind the style, as Cameron seeks to achieve two goals." but what do I know? Mr Letwin is the one with the up to the minute poll results so perhaps people respond better to baffling complexity compared to a simple message.
First, a shift from an econocentric paradigm to a sociocentric paradigm.
Translation: In the past the political battles where about economics, but the right anhilated opposition on that one because of it had the advantage of proposing stuff that actually works and tends not to leave six figure death tolls. Now the political battles will be on the other axis of the political compass, and about individual freedom against state control.
Secondly, a shift in the theory of the State from a provision-based paradigm to a framework-based paradigm.
Translation: This means that we should be promoting structures so that people can choose the things they want themselves, rather than dishing it out standard issue from the state.
It all goes back to Marx. Before Marx, politics was multidimensional – constitutional, social, environmental as well as economic.Marx changed all that. After Marx, socialists defended socialism and free marketeers defended capitalism. For both sides, the centrepiece of the debate was the system of economic management. Politics became econocentric.
Translation: Marxism treats people as pure products of the economic power, far more than under the free market. So since it was offshoots of Marxism would be found as one of the main protagonists of the political battle grounds that meant that the main arguments would have to be on economic grounds. Just pointing at the raw body count or gulag archipelagos tends not to have much effect on a true believer of Socialism.
But, as we begin the 21st century, things have changed. Since Margaret Thatcher, and despite recurrences of something like full-blooded socialism in Latin America, the capitalist/ socialist debate has in general ceased to dominate modern politics. From Beijing to Brussels, the free market has won the battle of economic ideas.
If the free market is a matter of consensus, the debate must change its nature. Instead of arguing about systems of economic management, we have to discuss how to make better lives out of the prosperity that the free market generates
Translation: Socialism failed, badly. This means that we are back to markets being the only game in town as far as economics goes. That isn't really contested by anybody anymore. Now we can go back to arguing about how to live rather than about ground nut production numbers.
The first theoretical advance (the first paradigm shift) of Cameron Conservatism is to see that fact clearly – to refocus the debate, to change the terms of political trade, to ask a different set of questions. Politics – once econocentric – must now become sociocentric.
But Cameron Conservatism is also an attempt to shift the theory of the State from a provision-based paradigm to a framework-based paradigm. The provision-theory of the modern State is the successor to socialism in the postMarxist era. It is the essence of Gordon Brown’s version of new Labour.
Translation: Thatcher's ideas won, she freed people economically and it worked. Now it is time to free people socially to let them enjoy the fruits of her sucess. That is where the new political battles will be. Gordon brown wants to make up for the fact that he has to live with free markets by excercising state control in other areas. Cameron Conservatism is about extending Margret Thatcher's gift of economic freedom to beyond economics.
The tell-tale marks of provision-theory are to be seen in much of the record of the last ten years – the targets and directives, the reorganisations, schemes and initiatives. Direct government intervention has been brought – with the best of intentions, though often with notable lack of success – to bear on schools and hospitals, police officers and neighbourhoods, local authorities and universities. The State has been seen as the source of enlightened social action, just as it was once seen as the source of enlightened economic action.
The key to translating this paragraph is the last sentence. "The State has been seen as the source of enlightened social action, just as it was once seen as the source of enlightened economic action."
Translation: New Labour is about controlling society from whitehall through their blizzard of targets and directives, just as they once tried to control the economy from whitehall.
The framework theory of the modern State sees government as having two basic roles: to guarantee the stability and security upon which, by common consent, both the free market and wellbeing depend; and, much more controversially, to establish a framework of support and incentive that enables and induces individuals and organisations to act in ways that fulfil not merely their own self-interested ambitions but also their wider social responsibilities.
Cameron's conservatives also want to try and guide society, but they want to do it more indirectly by fiddling with incentives to get problems solved without the need for a specific formulae to be handed down from the centre and implemented in the same way everywhere.
It is in emphasising this second duty of government that Cameron Conservatism distinguishes itself radically from Brownian new Labour.
Cameron Conservatism puts no faith in central direction and control. Instead, it seeks to identify social and environmental responsibilities that participants in the free market are likely to neglect, and then establish frameworks that will lead people and organisations to act of their own volition in ways that will improve society by increasing general wellbeing.
Translation: We prefer the subtle invisble hand to a big clunking fist. And where markets and society is not currently working well only there do we need to see about how to get them to improve things.
The intuitions about human nature that underpin this framework-theory of the modern State are unsurprisingly the same as the intuitions about human nature that underpinned free market theory in 20th-century econocentric politics.
The first intuition is that human enterprise, initiative, vocation and morale are the things that lead to progress and sustainable success in the socioenvironmental sphere, just as in the economic sphere.
The second, allied intuition is that command and control systems eventually fall under their own weight because they stifle enterprise, initiative, vocation and morale.
And the third intuition is that a framework that leads people to fulfil their social responsibilities of their own volition in their own ways is a much more powerful engine for sustained socioenvironmental success than direct government control.
This is all good stuff. It's just a shame that Letwin has decided to wrap it in layer upon layer of post-modern Lit-crit bullshit.
Translation: There are three assumptions that underpin the idea social freedom is better than a controlled society.
1. People know what is best for themselves. Just let them get on with it and they will make the best world possible.
2. Central control doesn't work. A society like an economy is simply too complex. This has already been seen by the fall of Socialism.
3. People have always helped each other voluntarily. But when you try to force this it stops being a pleasure and becomes a chore. All you then get is resentment and natural civility disappears.
Will the framework-theory based on these liberal conservative intuitions come in time to win the battle of ideas in sociocentric politics as comprehensively as its precursor, liberal conservative free market theory, did in the old econocentric political debates?
It is too early to tell. But one thing is clear. Cameron Conservatives have both an analysis of the nature of 21st-century politics and a theory of the role of the modern State. To win a battle of ideas is always a hard task. But having an idea is certainly a good starting point.
Just a conclusion trying to get people to ask what side they are on. Are you on the side of social freedom offered by Cameron's Conservatives or the centrally controlled society of Gordon Brown.
Because I am willing to translate his bullshit I like the ideas that have been submerged in it. But you cannot win a battle of ideas, which is what politics is, if nobody can actually get at them because you decided to bury them under haft a tonne of pseudo-intellectual crap. 7/10 for technical merit, 0/10 for artistic interpretation. The only reason that I can think of as to why Letwin decided to write his peice so badly, other than he actually wants people to think he's a wanker that is, is that doing it that way uses more words and he had a set number to produce in order to collect his cheaque.